Though Madison’s discussion of the weaknesses of human
nature, the inevitability of faction, and the failure of democracy to account
for either are intriguing in their own right, the reputation of Federalist No.
10 as one of the most significant documents in American political history is
based more on its explanation of the genius of republican government and its
ability to alleviate the excesses of partisanship. This explanation, which runs
roughly from paragraph fifteen to paragraph twenty-two, is rather simply and
concisely laid out, and though parts of it may now seem to be quaint or naïve,
it represented at the time of its publication a revolutionary reimagining of
the concept of representative government.
The basis of Madison’s
arguments runs thusly:
1. Unlike
in a democracy, in which a small number of citizens conduct the business of
government themselves, authority in a republic is delegated by the citizens to
their chosen representatives
2. Because
the government of a republic does not need to be conducted by all of the
assembled citizens, this government can be allowed to extend over a larger
geographical area and encompass a larger population than that of a pure
democracy
3. As
each representative in an extensive republic will be chosen by a larger number
of citizens than typically exist in a small democracy, a greater number of
issues will need to be considered and the choice of election will more likely
fall to one who can be shown to exercise sound judgement, prudence and a firm
grasp of the principles of government, rather than those that promise to uphold
the wishes of the faction to which they belong
4. By
ensuring the proper ratio between the voters and their delegates, a well-constructed
republic can ensure that representatives are neither unacquainted with the
local issues that concern their constituents, nor too personally attached to
them and thus blinded to matters of national significance
Simple enough; a series of
logical assertions building to the logical conclusion that republican
government, as embodied in the proposed Constitution, has the ability to
control the existence of factions by ensuring that no one of them could dominate
any other in the selection of the people’s representative, or their day-to-day
deliberations. Again I concede that this must seem like a rather naïve
construction of government considering how much parties have come to dominate
the American political process. Nevertheless, in 1787 it was a truly radical notion
that a larger state could ever be considered more stable than a smaller one,
and represented a uniquely American inversion of accepted political theory.
The theory in question was that
of Charles-Louis de Secondat, Baron de La Brède et de Montesquieu,
French Enlightenment philosopher, and contemporary to Voltaire and Jean-Jacques
Rousseau. In 1748, Montesquieu published a political treatise called The Spirit of the Laws in which he
advocated for constitutional government, the separation of powers, the
abolition of slavery, and the protection of civil liberties. The culmination of
twenty years of research into law, sociology, anthropology, and political
theory, The Spirit of the Laws proved
to be extremely influential, both in France, where it originated, and in Great
Britain and its colonies. Among the arguments that Montesquieu put forth, one
was that the ideal republic must exist over only a small expanse of territory.
Specifically, he contended that the larger the state, and the more wealth and
power it accumulated, the greater the temptation would be for abuse on the part
of its elected administrators. Furthermore he believed that,
Madison’s reversal of Montesquieu’s argument, which was
based in established political theory and drew on the examples of Ancient
Greece, the Roman Republic and the city-states of Renaissance Italy, was a
radical tactic. Yet in some ways it was typical of the American approach to
republicanism, history, and political thought.
However they came to disagree in
later years, Madison and his compatriots were united by a profound sense of
optimism about the significance of their Revolution and the place their country
would occupy in the history of Western Civilization. In their eyes, the United
States of America was a truly exceptional entity; the culmination of
Enlightenment political theory; the perfection of republicanism and of liberal
government. In time, they were confident their nation would rise to a pre-eminence
never seen before in the history of the world, and along the way defy
expectations and shatter precedents. Though, in 1787, these visions might have
seemed a long way from being realized, Madison was confident that the adoption
of the Constitution was the next step in the process. To that end, he stated in
paragraph eleven of Federalist No. 10 that the matter being considered was,
“the great desideratum, by which this form of Government can be rescued from
the opprobrium under which it has so long labored, and be recommended to the
esteem and adoption of mankind.” With such weighty matters at stake, I doubt
there were many established political theories that Madison wouldn’t have found
a way to defy.
And though his efforts were
ultimately successful, the rigidly structured “republic of virtue” that Madison
first envisioned in 1787 arguably existed, only for a brief period in the
1790s. By the time Thomas Jefferson was inaugurated as the 3rd
President of the United States in 1801, America was beginning one of a series
of slow transformations that would occur over the course of the next
fifty-or-so years. As I mentioned during my discussion of Washington and his
departure from public life, the America of the 18th century, of the
Enlightenment, was exceedingly short-lived. The diplomatic pressures of the
1790s, the growth of manufacturing, a second war against Britain; these things
pushed and pull the country in at times contradictory directions, and
Americans’ ideas about the purpose, size, and scope of their government changed
accordingly. And so I must admit that the theory of republican government
showcased by Federalist No. 10, which would have seemed antiquated to many as early
as the 1820s, must seem hopelessly out of step in the modern era, when parties
have become so ingrained in the way the American political system functions.
In deference to Madison and the
other supporters of the Constitution, I think that they knew this might someday
be the case, and sought to furnish subsequent generations with the tools they
would need to confront new and different challenges. Their America was from the
beginning an experiment, and one that was apt to evolve over time. Having said
that, and considering the way politicians and pundits continue to attach
significance to the words and deeds of the founding generation, I do think
there are elements of Madison’s argument in Federalist No. 10 worthy of consideration,
here and now.
The first is Madison’s belief
that the people’s elected representatives need to be of a certain quality, and
that part of their job is to exercise their judgement when deciding which
policies best address a particular issue. In his own word, the purpose of
representative government is to “enlarge the public views, by passing them
through the medium of a chosen body of citizens, whose wisdom may best discern
the true interest of their country, and whose patriotism and love of justice
will be least likely to sacrifice it to temporary or partial considerations.”
He also seemed to believe that representatives should be chosen, not because
they seem sympathetic, share the views of the electorate, or come from the same
place, but because they are competent, experienced and trustworthy. It is now
considered, I think, a matter of opinion whether an elected representative’s
purpose it to directly transmit the wants, needs, and desires of their
constituents onto the national political stage, or if they are instead supposed
to think of their election as an endorsement of their competence, and approach
issues with the freedom to exercise their discretion and expertise. Whichever
view seems to predominate in the American political tradition, I think it worth
noting that Madison seemed to favor the former.
The second, and perhaps most
interesting, is Madison’s apparent conviction that differences of opinion among
elected representatives are not a weakness in a republic, but a strength. The
larger the electorate, he argues, the larger number of representatives will be
required, and the greater variety of perspectives and opinions will be present
in the assembled legislature. In so doing, it becomes, “less probable that a
majority of the whole will have a common motive to invade the rights of other citizens;
or if such a common motives exists, it will be more difficult for all who feel
it to discover their own strength, and to act in unison with each other.” At
the same time, since no majority of opinion is likely to prevail, laws must be
debated on their merits and will only be ratified if they satisfy the convictions
of more than just one faction or another. Considering the view evidently shared
by Democrats and Republicans alike that the only thing stopping them from
solving every problem under the sun are their opponents across the aisle,
Madison’s belief that a diversity of opinion is central to a republic’s
strength and stability seems worthy of consideration. If nothing else it begs
the question: is it entirely constructive to have public policy in the most
powerful nation in the world decided via two massive political factions
continuously thrashing each other with no end in sight? Is it not preferable
that 70% of the population think a statute is reasonably good than 51% think it
perfection and 49% disclaim it as the downfall of civilization?
But I do go on. As always, I
encourage you to read and think on these questions for yourself: http://en.wikisource.org/wiki/The_Federalist/10
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