In terms of the number of lines delivered,
Rapatio’s two most significant confidants are most certainly Bagshot and
Hazelrod. The events of The Adulterer
paint both of these characters as being of particular importance to the
Governor of Servia’s vengeful ambitions, and in the end they may each be held
responsible for no small portion of the institutional evils depicted therein. That
being said, their respective characterizations are somewhat more complicated
than those Warren attributed to Rapatio’s lesser supporters like Dupe, Limput,
Meagre, and Gripeall. And while neither is depicted in a particularly
flattering light, they nevertheless seem to be something more than mere pawns,
hangers-on, or sycophants who have chosen to trail in the wake of more powerful
men than themselves. Without knowing what Warren intended by this – if, indeed,
she intended anything at all – the effect would seem to be a broadening of the
conspiracy supposedly directed against the people of Servia. Possessed of a
greater degree of autonomy than most of Raptio’s supporters – moved, it seems,
by something other than loyalty and/or its potential rewards – Bagshot and
Hazelrod indicate by their respective reactions to the events portrayed in The Adulterer that the threats
encroaching upon the liberties of the Servian people are in fact multifaceted.
Granting the validity of this depiction on Warren’s part, it again warrants
caution how closely one associates any of the characters depicted in The Adulterer with their likeliest
real-world counterparts.
Bagshot, for example, was almost
certainly intended to represent General Thomas Gage (1718-1787),
commander-in-chief of British forces in North America between 1764 and 1775. In
part responsible for the stationing of British troops in major urban centres
like New York and Boston in the aftermath of the Seven Years War (1754-1763),
Gage was reportedly a capable administrator and a man of honor and integrity –
if also one possessed of distinctly conservative political sentiments. Tasked
with overseeing the security of a newly enlarged colonial empire several
thousand miles from the capital thereof, his tendency seemed to be to locate
threats to peace and stability within perceived centres of disorder or
discontent. In Massachusetts, this mistrust of the evident restlessness of the
colonial population found its focus first in the organized resistance to the
implementation of the Stamp Act (1765) and the Townshend Duties (1767).
Confronted by street protests, riots, mob violence directed against colonial
officials – of which, as aforementioned, both Thomas Hutchinson and Andrew
Oliver were victims – and collective resistance in the form of boycotts on
British goods, Gage was forced to conclude by 1770 that, “America is a mere
bully, from one end to the other, and the Bostonians by far the greatest
bullies [.]” Considering the nature of his remit – to maintain the peace and
stability of British America – this was perhaps an unavoidable conclusion.
Over a century of relative autonomy
had promoted among the citizens of the various colonies of British America a
strong sense of local sovereignty and self-sufficiency that was in many ways
both philosophically and logistically at odds with contemporary British
political orthodoxy. However Gage and the individuals he believed were chiefly
responsible for the stirring up public agitation around issues like customs
duties and domestic taxation might have shared a common regard for British
culture and wished to uphold British political traditions, therefore, they were more than likely to perceive the
same events, institutions, and concepts through drastically different lenses.
Whereas Gage seemed to view the public backlash against the implementation of
the Stamp Act and the Townshend Duties – the demonstrations, riots, petitions,
and boycotts – as actively corrosive to public order, the “Boston radicals” he
so detested understood them as essential to the preservation of the inherited
rights and liberties that it was in part Gage’s job to protect. Likewise, while
Gage eventually settled upon the ubiquitous New England town meeting as one of
the core causes of political disorder in British North America – “Democracy is
too prevalent in America,” he wrote his superior in 1772, “And claims the
greatest attention to prevent its increase” – the people of Massachusetts
understood it to be an absolutely fundamental element of the political and
cultural identity. The crux of the disagreement between Thomas Gage and the
most ardent critics of British policy in America in the 1760s and 1770s was
therefore both monumental and somewhat slight. Each sought to defend and
promote the cultural and political community to which they shared a common
connection, disagreeing chiefly in terms of method and process.
While, again, Warren’s Bagshot is
not nearly as obsequious as most of Rapatio’s followers, his portrayal in The Adulterer nonetheless fails to
capture the sincerity at the heart of his real-world counterpart’s public
behavior. Speaking to the Governor of Servia in the first of his two
appearances, he expresses his undisguised disdain for the riotous behavior of
the Servian people upon the killing of an innocent youth by one of Rapatio’s
supporters. “It must not [,]” he vows, “Shall not be – the dirty scoundrels, /
Foaming with passion animate each other – / Abuse my men and trample on my
bands.” Wholly forgoing any semblance of sympathy, Bagshot here seems far more
concerned with the indignity being suffered by his men as they face abuse at
the hands of an agitated populace. Rapatio seems to play upon and feed this
evident sense of vanity and self-importance with his response, calling the
people in question, “Insulting dogs!” He then goes on explain that, “A scene
now opens to my mind. / And hark’ee Bagshot – should these high swollen
wretches / Again insult, remember you are soldiers [.]” Bagshot’s response
again seems to show the focus of his anger as being tied to the pride of the
men serving under him. “Well then,” he replies,
Since you approve,
I’ll give those orders, which I
dare not do
By my mere motion.
Repeated wrongs have blown up all
their courage.
They stretch like steeds, and snuff
the distant battle;
And like the vulture, couch in
dreadful ambush
And wait a day of carnage – fire,
adieu [.]
Bagshot here expresses a willingness
to visit force upon the people of Servia, not because it will please Rapatio to
do so – as seemed to motivate the aforementioned Dupe and Limput – but because
he seems to believe that the men under his command require it. “Repeated wrongs
have blown up all their courage,” he says, as might a father who wants to see
his bullied son fight back. And while his subsequent description of them as a
species of beast is perhaps not the most flattering – “They stretch like
steeds,” he avows, “And snuff the distant battle” – it likewise seems to expose
an aggressively paternal attitude on Bagshot’s part. If the men under his
command are like horses, then he as their handler wants to let them run – let
them live and act according to their nature. While the outcome of this attitude
ultimately serves the end that Rapatio desires, the manner in which Bagshot
expresses it seems to have little to do with pleasing or glorifying his
selfsame superior.
The second – and perhaps most compelling – of Bagshot’s two
appearances in The Adulterer comes at
the end of Act II, Scene II. Confronted by a delegation of Servian Senators who
seek to remonstrate with Rapatio over the turmoil his leadership has thus far witnessed,
the Governor of Servia begs to confer with his chief military officer before
making any decisions concerning the movement or dismissal of troops. Once alone
with Bagshot, however, he proceeds to curse the rebelliousness of the Patriots
and ask his general-in-chief what might be done. “Say, Bagshot,” he bluntly enquires,
“Can you stand the gathering storm?” Bagshot’s answer, in light of the
appearance he earlier displayed of sensitivity to slights or disrespect, is
surprisingly pragmatic. “Tis a hard case indeed,” he admits,
What can I
do?,
A soldier’s
honor should remain unsullied.
True to his
post, should laugh at every danger,
Enjoy his
fate, and smile amid the storm.
But when ten
thousand furies burst upon me,
Despise my
utmost force and breathe defiance
Honor says,
stand – but prudence says, retire.
Rapatio is understandably taken
aback by this, and seeks to once more tweak the man’s pride. “But, Bagshot!” he
cries, “How this scoundrel mob will triumph.” Bagshot remains unmoved, however,
and this time dismisses the Governor’s entreaty to further violence. “These are
charming words [,]” he agrees,
Close in his cell, the calm philosopher
Enjoys
the storm, grasps at the palm of glory,
And
fights the distant battles of the world.
It
will not, cannot do – if they’re determined
We
yield to conquering fate and curse our fortune.
No longer eager to let his men off
the leash – to allow their injured pride to find relief in bloodshed – Bagshot
has become wholly resigned to the whims of “conquering fate.” Whether Warren
intended her audience to attribute this change of heart to military pragmatism
or cowardice, however, is not entirely clear.
Bagshot,
whether seeking violence or scorning it, gives voice to a quality of military
pretension in the way that he responds to Rapatio’s enquiries and requests. He
seems concerned with matters of image, reputation, and pride. Salving the
prestige of his command appears to interest him to a greater extent than
feeding the ego of his ostensible superior. And so he acts, with Rapatio’s
urging, to put down what then doubtless seemed to be a relatively minor disturbance.
He moves from strength, therefore, and attacks when victory is assured. By the
time Rapatio once more seeks his counsel, however, Bagshot’s vanity no longer
appears to rule him. He still feels a prideful need to stand fast against the
mounting gale of public discontent – to “laugh at every danger,” and “and smile
amid the storm” – but the odds are no longer in his favor. Opposed this time by
“ten thousand furies,” Bagshot relents, scorns Rapatio’s naïve ardour, and
counsels acceptance of defeat. Uncertain of victory, therefore – or perhaps
certain of defeat – he refuses to risk his pride or his life, regardless of the
cause.
While presenting something of an
oversimplification, this basic outline likely conformed to what the average
American colonist of the late 18th century perceived of the British
military establishment. Men like Gage came into their midst, full of the pomp
and circumstance that officers were trained and cultured to seek and protect,
and proceeded to act and to behave according to orders that often had very
little to do with the daily concerns of the British American people. Gage in
particular was tasked with maintaining security and stability in the aftermath
of the Seven Years War, and went about this commission with what his superiors
doubtless believed to be efficiency and zeal. When, over the course of the
1760s, it became clear that the greater threat to colonial security lay in the
urban centres rather than on the frontier, he oversaw the deployment of British
troops in places like Boston and New York City. And when discontent persisted –
in the form of protests and petitions – he first identified the restless
colonial elite as the source of the trouble, and then the New England
propensity for local self-government. These were not acts of cruelty or pride –
by all accounts – but rather the actions of an experienced, shrewd, and
dedicated military officer who sought to fulfil his responsibilities as best as
he was able. The colonists whose streets were being patrolled by armed soldiers
and whose cherished institutions were being actively maligned, however, were
unlikely to see things in quite that way.
To the typical citizen of 1770s
Massachusetts, figures like Gage were more than likely seen to be officious,
draconian, and uncaring. Far from acting out of principle – or seeming to, at
any rate – he simply followed the orders given him. Whether those order
required him to protect settlers in the colonial interior from raids by Native
Americans or to place the streets of Boston under armed guard surely appeared
to those affected to matter very little. Indeed, most colonials likely had no
way of telling what Gage thought of the directives he had been given to carry
out. All that they had access to, by which to form their opinions of the man,
were appearances and outcomes. He seemed to relish participating in the social
scene in New York City, were his administration kept its headquarters. Perhaps this
made him appear vain and prideful. He professed a strong suspicion of the aforementioned
town meeting form of municipal government, and lobbied to have it banned. No
doubt this caused him to seem like an enemy of the liberties of the people of
colonial New England. His soldiers fired upon a crowd that had assembled before
the customs house in Boston on the night of March 5th, 1770, and
were subsequently acquitted of murder. Likely this made him appear uncaring and
cruel. What evidence exists indicates that Thomas Gage was not these things, or
at least not exclusively. But Bagshot was, as drawn by Warren. Not a devotee of
Rapatio – just as Gage, in fairness, was not a confidant of Hutchinson – the
commander of Servia’s military acted rather out of evident concern for military
distinction. He favored the pride of his men, expressed no qualms about using
force against an outmatched opponent, and retreated in the face of potential
defeat.
This was very much a caricature, though
an intriguing one all the same. However willing Warren may have been to portray
a Gage-like figure as embodying the worst aspects of a the type of military
functionary familiar to her fellow countrymen, she at least saw fit to separate
him in some way from her drama’s unequivocal villain. Bagshot was certainly an
ally of Rapatio – perhaps even a confidant – but his interactions with the
Governor of Servia are notably absent the fawning praise that so strongly
characterizes the dialogue of figures like Dupe and Limput. Indeed, he even
goes so far as to disagree with Rapatio’s request for military aid. None of his
contemporaries in service to the Governor of Servia even approach this level of
autonomy. And though it amounts to little in the context of The Adulterer – Rapatio’s machinations
are not much hampered by Bagshot’s refusal – it would nonetheless seem to nod
in the direction of the complexity of the threats facing the contemporary
American opposition to Britain’s increasingly heavy-handed rule. Hutchinson and
Gage – Rapatio and Bagshot’s real-world equivalents – were not “partners in
crime” who worked towards a common goal by different means. Rather, they were
semi-autonomous agents of separate power structures with different goals and different
outlooks. Hutchinson was a statesman, a native of Massachusetts, and an earnest
believer in the relationship between English liberties and the supremacy of the
English Parliament. Gage, conversely, was a soldier, the son of a Sussex
nobleman, and a firm advocate of order and stability. These men were not
natural allies, and it would surely have behooved the aforementioned American
opposition to understand that when attempting to gauge, predict, or counter
their reactions to a potential campaign of political resistance.
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